CHILD TRAFFICKING  AND CHILD ABUSE HAS TO COME TO AN END.

Trafficking in children is a global problem affecting large numbers of children. Some estimates have as many as 1.2 million children being trafficked every year. There is a demand for trafficked children as cheap labour or for sexual exploitation. Children and their families are often unaware of the dangers of trafficking, believing that better employment and lives lie in other countries.

Showing posts with label Humanity is at risk.. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Humanity is at risk.. Show all posts

Wednesday, October 7, 2015

U.S.-Backed Saudi Bombing Campaign Blamed For Civilian Deaths In Yemen


U.S.-Backed Saudi Bombing Campaign Blamed For Civilian Deaths In Yemen


A tragic incident this week in Yemen is intensifying scrutiny of a Saudi-led military campaign there, as well as the U.S. role in backing that Saudi offensive.

The Saudis are fighting rebels called Houthis who ousted the government. And while all sides are accused of abuses, increasing blame is turning toward the Saudis and their allies.

At a time when civilian casualties in general are on the rise, the deadliest single attack in Yemen since the conflict began in March occurred Monday near the western port city of Mokha. At least 130 civilians were killed, mostly women and children, says Hassan Boucenine, Yemen country director for Doctors Without Borders.

Boucenine says the airstrike made no sense. "It's obviously not a military target," he says. "It was a wedding, simply. And civilians."

There is growing criticism over the soaring number of civilian casualties in Yemen. Rupert Colville, spokesman for the U.N.'s High Commissioner for Human Rights, says 2,300 civilians have been killed so far. He says both sides in the conflict share blame, but the Saudi-led air campaign has been responsible for most of the deaths.

"Two-thirds of the reported civilian deaths during the conflict since March were caused by airstrikes," he says. "When you're getting this very high toll of civilians, it suggests something may be going badly wrong or perhaps not enough care is being taken."

Colville says the U.N. Human Rights Council has called on Saudi Arabia to investigate incidents where civilians were killed.

"They should really look into every single incident of this type and find out why civilians were hit or was the target with due care taken," he says. "Because that is a fundamental element of international humanitarian law, that's the laws of war."

Saudi Arabia says it takes care in its targeting, and lays blame on the Houthi rebels for many attacks. But unquestionably, Saudi Arabia and its coalition of mostly Gulf states has superior firepower over the Houthis.

The Atlantic Council's Nabeel Khoury, a former U.S. diplomat who served in Yemen, says that initially, the Saudis thought they could run an air campaign for a few weeks to counter the rebels.

"As the conflict went on," he says, "Saudis became more determined, and obviously this has been proven to be harder than they originally thought."

Khoury says Saudi Arabia is getting pulled deeper into the Yemen conflict and has now put troops on the ground, as well as accelerated its airstrikes. The U.S. provides logistical and intelligence support for the air campaign — even refueling its jets. It raises the question of how long the U.S. will back its Gulf ally as civilian deaths rise.

Khoury says the Obama administration has been quietly telling Saudi Arabia that it should negotiate with the Houthi rebels. He says others are speaking more loudly.

"Beyond the U.S., opinion in Europe and at the United Nations and throughout the civil society have all been alarmed by the death rate in Yemen, and just in general this air campaign has gone too far," he says.

Saudi Arabia's embassy in Washington did not return requests for a comment. Its military denies attacking the wedding party. Khoury says the Saudis should brace for more criticism if the airstrikes continue.

"Saudi Arabia is the richest country in the Arab world and it is bombing the hell out of the poorest country in the Arab world," he says. "This cannot be good public relations any way you look at it. "


Human rights activists say the U.S. should support investigations into civilian deaths in Yemen or risk becoming associated with coalition abuses. The Pentagon says it has asked the Saudi government to investigate civilian casualties.

Saturday, August 1, 2015

Why a Dalit basti in Mathura has been a ghost town for last three days


Why a Dalit basti in Mathura has been a ghost town for last three days

It was here on July 28 that a mob lynched Lalua alias Shyam, a Dalit, for allegedly raping and killing a 12-year-old upper caste girl Lali.

Empty Dalit houses in Mathura’s Parkham village after the murder of a 12 year-old girl.

The Valmiki Basti in Parkham village, about 10 km from the Mathura refinery in western Uttar Pradesh, has been a ghost town for the last three days.

At the front is the house of Lalua with household items lying strewn across the floor and cots turned upside down — with no people to drive them away, chickens and dogs have laid claim to everything inside.

It was here on July 28 that a mob lynched Lalua alias Shyam, a Dalit, for allegedly raping and killing a 12-year-old upper caste girl Lali. Sonu, the other man that the mob attacked that day, is lying on a hospital bed in Agra with both his legs and an arm covered in bandages. “It was Lalua, I did no wrong,” he said.

Today, the tension in the village is so high that about 20 families living in the basti have fled their homes fearing for their safety. And the Parkham railway station, where the girl was last seen talking to Lalua and which acted as a border on each side of which the Thakurs and the Valmikis lived, is now guarded by about 20 to 25 armed policemen deployed to keep peace.

Groaning in pain on his hospital bed, Sonu said, “Not one villager wanted to save my life. Had the police not arrived in time I would have been dead, too, like Lalua.”

The deceased girl’s father Mukesh Singh, who belongs to the Thakur community, is an agricultural labourer. His family is in mourning and he is agitated about his daughter’s “brutal murder”.

“Anybody who would have seen the condition in which my daughter’s body was found, would have wanted to kill those two men right there. She was raped, her face was disfigured and she was dumped in the shrubbery near the railway track. What the villagers did to those two men is absolutely right. Had I handed them over to the police, I would have never got justice,” Singh, now a father of five, told The Indian Express.

Senior Superintendent of Police Rakesh Singh said the UP police have registered two FIRs — one in the rape and murder of Lali, naming Lalua and Sonu as accused, and the other in Lalua’s death against unknown persons.

Singh added that they will investigate the case further after Sonu, who is under treatment at the Sarojini Naidu government hospital, is fit to give a statement.

“This (the mob attack) is not lawlessness but a sudden reaction to the incident. In a charged mob, even unknown people participate. A mob does not intend to kill but such things happen in society. It cannot be justified legally. They have taken the law into their hands and they will be arrested and sent to jail,” said the officer.

Following the lynching, Inspector Tejbir Singh, Constable Pradeep Kumar and the local chowki in-charge Nepal Singh were suspended, Singh added.

Mukesh said his daughter took her cow for grazing near the railway station at about 2.30 pm on July 27 and did not return. “At night there are no lights in village. We looked for her with our torches but did not find her,” he said.

The next morning, the Thakurs confronted Lalua after Brijesh, Mukesh’s neighbour, said that he had seen Lali talking to him near the railway station.

According to the FIR, the villagers “sternly asked” Sonu and Lalua about Lali following which the two confessed and led them to the spot in the dense shrubbery where she was raped and killed.

The outraged villagers then decided to take the two to the police chowki, it added.

Police said Lalua, however, made an attempt to flee and was chased down. The villagers then took the two to a spot 4 km away from the chowki and allegedly thrashed them, it added.

“As soon as we got information about the incident, we rushed there and took both of them to the hospital. But Lalua did not survive,” said Singh.

Sonu, who worked as a sweeper at the railway station, said he was combing his hair at his home when the agitated villagers reached there.

“Lalua had done wrong. He had two similar cases pending against him. He used to go to Mathura for court dates. When the villagers confronted him he took my name and that of two others — Arjun and Rajkumar. I could have run away but I had no fear because I did no wrong,” he said.

Sonu’s father Shyamlal had been a sweeper with the Railways for 30 years. The family hails from Agra but has been living in Parkham due to Shyamlal’s job which Sonu took over. Sonu said his wife is mentally ill and two of their children died soon after birth.

“The Thakurs took us near a canal. They hit my head repeatedly with a lathi. Then they hit my feet and then broke my legs. I can’t remember all the faces. There were about 50 to 60 people,” Sonu alleged.

On Wednesday, Sonu’s parents waited by his bedside along with two police officers posted at the hospital for his protection. “My son took over my job because I was too old to work,” Shyamlal said.

Sonu’s mother Ramsinghi broke down when asked about her son. “We will never go back to Parkham. We are too scared. My son has a sick wife, both his children died and now he is on a hospital bed,” she said. “We don’t know where the rest of the Valmikis in the village went. All we know is we can never go back,” Shyamlal said.

Tuesday, July 14, 2015

Domestic violence In India: A Ticking Time Bomb


Domestic violence In India: A Ticking Time Bomb

Used, abused and left alone, the tale of Indian women in domestic violence

Domestic violence/abuse is prominent in India

anki Devi, 45, stands up and slowly makes her way into her bedroom. She returns with an old black and white photograph, a souvenir of her marriage, covered with a thin layer of dust.

It shows Devi wearing a saree, a popular South Asian female garment, and her husband a kurta, a collarless long shirt. The flower garlands are festooned around their necks.

Softly, she runs her palm on the photograph, clearing years' old dust off it. And then suddenly tears flow from her eyes; a drop falls on the photograph, turning particles of dust into thin, little mud.

"I left him three years ago and have been living in this village with my sons," Devi says, sitting in a corner of the smoky kitchen at her rented two room house in Tigaon, a village in Faridabad district of northern Indian state of Haryana.

Originally a resident of Jhansi district in Uttar Pradesh, Devi came to Faridabad, with her two sons, after her husband, Param Anand, threw her out and brought home a new woman.

"He would always hurt me and call me 'badsoorat raand' (ugly whore)," she says, wiping tears with the hem of her saree.

"But for the sake of my kids I would tolerate him."

Keeping a pan on a mud hearth to boil vegetables, Devi narrates her grim tale.

"He would come home drunk, shout at me and beat me up over trivial things," she says.

"I do not remember a single day when I have gone to bed without crying."


Devi is a victim of domestic violence in India, a cruel, unchecked phenomenon that involves men and in-laws beating or torturing brides after marriage.

The house where domestic violence victim, Janki Devi, lives now.

Like Devi, thousands of women in India experience this kind of life.

Across India, 2,44,270 cases of crime against women were registered in 2012, according to a report by National Crime Records Bureau or NCRB, a government agency responsible for collecting and analyzing crime data as defined by the Indian Penal Code or IPC.

In 2013, the report states, 3,09,546 cases were registered.

According to the report, the crimes against women have increased by 26.7 percent in 2013. The rate of domestic violence by husband or relatives stood up at 5.9 percent per 100,000, the report showed.

Incidents like homicide for dowry, rape, marital rape or forced abortion fall under the crime category of domestic violence.

Despite laws, there has been an increase in crimes like these in India.

Over the period of more than 18 years, Devi says, her husband inflicted grave wounds on her.

"I have scars all over my body," she says, showing few on her left arm.

"I would always apply 'Haldi' (turmeric powder) on the wounds to fight the pain."

Before Devi got married, she had wished, like every other girl, to get the best man in the world as her husband, she recalls.

But days after her marriage, she says, all her dreams shattered.

"I was forced to satisfy his lust every single night," she narrates.

"I still wonder whether that man ever loved me or just spent his nights considering me as a whore as he would call me."

This lasted for more than 18 years, Devi says.

And one fine day, her husband walked in with a new woman, she says.

"He threw me out of the room we had shared for 18 years along with my two kids."

Santosh Soni, a social worker from Haryana, says every fifth day he comes across a case of domestic violence.

"I have seen women getting ruthlessly beaten up by their husbands," she says.

Putting an end to domestic violence in India is difficult, Soni says.

"No government is able to educate the poor of this country as schemes are not implemented at grassroots level," she says.

Domestic violence will always remain an issue in villages unless people are educated, Soni opines.

Cases of domestic violence mostly get unreported, according to Indian police.

"Because of hesitation, many victims do not get their cases registered," says Inspector Rajdeep Mor of Tigaon police station in Faridabad.

Domestic violence was recognized as a specific criminal offence in India in 1983; section 498-A of Indian Penal Code deals with cruelty by a husband or his family towards a married woman.

The Domestic Violence Act of 2005 was introduced to prosecute perpetrators of crime in domestic violence cases.

A decade ago, Devi didn't know how to file a case of domestic violence. Even now, she has no idea about it.

"What can be done about it as it has happened," Devi says.


"I do not feel the pain anymore."

Monday, July 6, 2015

Woman stripped in J-K, accused include Army jawan


Woman stripped in J-K, accused include Army jawan

Police took suo moto cognizance of the incident and arrested three persons. One of the accused is believed to be an Army jawan.


In a shocking incident, a woman was allegedly stripped by a gang of five persons, including an Army jawan, in Udhampur district of Jammu and Kashmir and the video of the incident uploaded on the internet, police said on Saturday.
"A woman was stripped in full public view by five persons in Jaganoo area of Udhampur. The accused caught the incident on mobile phone camera... it has gone viral on Whatsapp," Udhampur District Commissioner said.
Police took suo moto cognizance of the incident and arrested three persons. One of the accused is believed to be an Army jawan, he said.


The woman was riding pillion on a motorcycle. The gang intercepted the bike and started misbehaving with her. When she resisted, the accused overpowered her and stripped her in full public view, the District Commissioner said.

Police have resgistered a case in the incident and a probe is underway.

Gaza’s Mental-Health Crisis and the Trauma of Permanent War


Gaza’s Mental-Health Crisis and the Trauma of Permanent War

On the anniversary of the 2014 war, Gaza’s kids are still trying to recover from years’ of cascading violence.

Gaza’s youth play in the rubble of their own homes. Over 16,000 housing units were demolished or damaged in the summer 2014 war. (Photo by Jen Marlowe)

“The Jews shot me.” I was eating breakfast with 3-year-old Ibrahim Awajah in February 2015, in the northern Gaza town of Beit Lahia, when he made this proclamation. His father, Kamal Awajah, saw the surprise on my face.

“No, no, you’re the second Ibrahim,” Kamal quickly corrected the small, sandy-haired boy. “It was your brother who was shot, not you.”

The first Ibrahim, 9 years old, had been shot and killed by an Israeli soldier during the 2009 attack on Gaza, which the Israeli military named Operation Cast Lead. His parents and siblings witnessed the killing, along with the demolition of their home. The second Ibrahim, born in 2011, was named after his martyred brother. He has already lived through two massive military campaigns. He has also lived most of his young life in tentlike structures, first while his family’s house was being rebuilt after Operation Cast Lead, and then after it was destroyed again during the summer 2014 war.

Israel launched its Operation Protective Edge on July 8 last year; its stated aim was to “restore calm to southern Israel” after an increase in rocket fire emanating from the Gaza Strip. The 50-day onslaught left 2,131 Palestinians dead, of whom roughly 70 percent were civilians, including 539 children. Hamas forces in Gaza executed at least 23 alleged collaborators with Israel. Seventy-one Israelis (66 of them soldiers) were killed during the same period, including one 4-year-old boy. Over 16,000 housing units in Gaza were demolished or severely damaged, leaving nearly 118,000 people homeless. The Awajah family is still among them. Though many of the damaged houses have been repaired a year after the war, not one totally demolished home in Gaza has been rebuilt.

I climbed with Wafaa Awajah on the mound of debris that had been her home. “Here was the girls’ room, and next to it was the boys’ room. This was the kitchen, a bathroom, and the stairs,” Wafaa said. “All my dreams are buried under this rubble. Even if the house gets rebuilt, we will always be afraid of its being demolished again.”

I asked about Sobhi, the Awajahs’ 15-year-old son. He seemed more withdrawn than on my previous visits, when I filmed the family for my documentary One Family in Gaza. Once an eager student, he was now skipping school. “Sobhi lost hope in many things,” Kamal answered. “First he lost his brother Ibrahim, and his home. We gave him mental support. ‘Life goes on,’ we told him. ‘Things can be rebuilt.’ But with the 2014 war and the destruction of the house again, Sobhi’s mental and emotional well-being were damaged. I don’t know how to deal with him.”

In a February 2015 report, UNICEF estimated that nearly 300,000 children—approximately one-third of Gaza’s youth—were still in need of psychological and social support six months after the war.

“The issue is the condition of chronic war, which doesn’t lead to speedy recovery,” said Dr. Elena Chere- panov, a mental-health specialist whose expertise is in collective and cultural trauma. She compares the psychological impact of the violence in Gaza to the public-health crises she’s seen in Chechnya, Liberia, and Abkhazia. “Ongoing war means a really severe and systemic traumatic impact on the community, which permeates all areas of life. There are generations who grow up never having the chance to live in safety or plan for the future, which is crucial for trauma recovery.”

******************

I was sitting with Dr. Jamil Atti, Gaza’s country director for the Center for Mind-Body Medicine, in his living room in Gaza City. “When you talk about ‘post-traumatic stress disorder,’ there should be a ‘post,’” Atti said. “And in Gaza, there is no ‘post.’” His face was lit by a cellphone’s flashlight; the power had cut out minutes earlier. Six months after the cease-fire, Gaza was receiving only six hours a day of electricity, due to the damage that its only power plant sustained and the ongoing Israeli blockade, which was imposed when Hamas took charge of the coastal enclave in 2007. As of April, electricity had resumed an eight-hour-on, eight-hour-off schedule.

I asked Atti about the change I saw in the Awajah family. When I first met them, six months after the end of the 2009 assault, the family had been in shock. Now, six months after the 2014 war, they seemed numb. “One of the traumatic symptoms is numbness, of feelings and the body,” Atti explained. “When people have this kind of ongoing trauma, they create a new kind of reality.”

Kifah Kahaman, the principal of Ibrahim Awajah’s nursery school, described that new reality as she led me into its ruins. “The kids are still crying and scared,” she said. “We spent a full month providing them with psychological support and releasing their fear from the war.” Though the cinder-block ceiling was intact, supported by cement pillars, most of the walls had been blown out. With her youthful, pear-shaped face framed by a light-blue head scarf, Kahaman pointed to a six-inch object lying in the chunks of cement, mangled metal, and rebar. “This is one of the missiles which destroyed the place.”

The Israeli military demolished 20 schools in Gaza during the war, including 11 kindergartens, and 450 other educational facilities were damaged. Among them were three United Nations schools turned shelters; 44 displaced Palestinians were killed in the attacks. A United Nations inquiry found that three empty UN schools had been used by Palestinian militants to store and fire weapons—but not the ones sheltering the displaced families.

Kahaman’s young charges, ages 3 to 5, huddled together on a plastic mat and stared at me. Nearly every pupil had been directly affected by the war: either a family member had been killed or injured, or they had been forced to flee their home. The children’s colorful Dora the Explorer and Hello Kitty backpacks contrasted sharply with their eyes, which looked dulled, as if covered by a thin veil. The missile lay near their feet.

“Some of the children are aggressive, hitting their classmates, smashing things in the classroom,” Kahaman said. One previously joyful little boy now cries for his parents all day.

The courtyard beyond the preschool’s missing back wall was filled with debris. One boy stepped through the nonexistent wall and picked up a small chunk of concrete. He carried it back, nestled it firmly in the sand, and returned to select another. A classmate leaned outside and grabbed her own jagged concrete block. Within minutes, all the children were silently building towers from the rubble of their demolished nursery school.

“I saw and heard about similar scenes in Kosovo and Ukraine,” said Cherepanov. “The children built structures and then destroyed them, and were [play-acting] funerals. In most cases, it’s a normal way for children who have been exposed to severe trauma to process their experiences.” Though the attention paid to children’s mental and emotional health in war zones has increased, much work remains to be done, Cherepanov said, especially on supporting the existing community infrastructures, “such as families, community organizations, and teachers, who could provide ‘trickle-down’ support to children and other vulnerable community members.”

**************

Yousef Ahmed is a stocky, blond primary-school teacher in the eastern Gaza City neighborhood of Shejaiya. “The most brutal of the three wars was last summer’s. The kids suffered a lot,” Ahmed told me.

I had already seen the appalling aftermath of the four-day Israeli campaign in Shejaiya. Whole areas were devastated; not a building in sight was habitable. F-16 fighter jets had flattened some buildings, multiple stories stacked like pancakes. Tank and mortar fire had blown out the walls of others, leaving their frames intact. A twisted staircase hung from the ceiling of a three-story apartment building, connecting to nothing. Family killed by F16 USA was spray-painted on one shell-pocked wall. Young men loaded donkey carts with rubble, slowly clearing the mounds of war debris.

When Ahmed’s students returned to Shejaiya primary school, two and a half weeks after the cease-fire, “their talk was all about the war, the shelling and destruction that they witnessed: Who got bombarded? How were his legs amputated? How did his family member get killed? How and where they got displaced, the nonstop sound of airplanes.” One of Ahmed’s pupils had been a star first-grader. “When he came to second grade, I noticed a change in his behavior. He was withdrawn, not talking to people. His family told me that he saw his brother get killed, swimming in his blood.”

Ahmed enumerated the behavioral disorders he now sees in his classroom: “There is withdrawal, nail-biting, fear, night terrors. Bed-wetting—not only nocturnal wetting, but sometimes I notice children wetting their pants while in class. There are also speech problems, stuttering. Their behavior has also become more aggressive, more violent, and those who are not withdrawn are hyperactive.”

The Child Protection Rapid Assessment Report (CPRA), published in October 2014 by the Child Protection Working Group in Gaza, supports Ahmed’s observations. Without exception, everyone surveyed for the CPRA noticed significant changes in behavior. Boys were more likely to demonstrate aggression, while girls were more likely to exhibit general sadness, crying, nightmares, and bed-wetting.

Ahmed also observed an impact on his students’ ability to learn. “They have weakness in memory, scattered attention, and decreased concentration. They absorb less material. They lack a desire to learn.” They also lack proper conditions to study. “I can’t tell a student to do his homework when I know that the electricity is out,” Ahmed said, “or the student can’t buy notebooks and pencils, because his father doesn’t work.” According to the World Bank, Gaza’s unemployment rate—43 percent overall and more than 60 percent for youth—is one of the highest in the world.

Teachers, of course, have lived through the same trauma as their students. The blockade and related economic crisis, as well as the chronic power outages, make day-to-day life here grueling still. Salaries have been withheld due to a standoff between Hamas and Fatah, the dominant Palestinian parties, which have been negotiating a unity deal. The lack of fuel makes transportation to and from school extremely difficult. “Teachers are also human,” Ahmed observed. “Their mental states deteriorated; their thinking has become scattered, and they can’t focus. Teachers’ behavior with students and with colleagues also became violent and aggressive.”

Ahmed’s school, though still functioning, was among those shelled. The school next door to his was demolished completely. “The kids there were distributed to other schools,” he said.

The CPRA found that traveling far from home to attend school is a significant post-hostility stressor for children. According to Dr. Yasser Abu Jamei, executive director of the Gaza Community Mental Health Program, so is living among the constant reminders of war. “When children live in partially destroyed houses, or in tents or caravans near the debris of the war, when they attend schools in which classrooms are destroyed, or sit next to empty seats because classmates were injured or killed…this delays the natural healing process and prolongs the trauma.”

Mental-health workers are trying to fix this. According to the Child Protection Working Group, nearly 50,000 children and more than 20,000 adults in Gaza have been offered support. The United Nations Relief and Works Agency’s Community Mental Health Program has trained 8,000 teachers how to cope with their own—and their students’—traumatic experiences. The work with community structures is crucial, Cherepanov said, since “the child’s success in recovery is largely [dependent on] family support. But when the family is traumatized and overwhelmed, this support may be compromised.”

****************

Leila Al-Hilu showed me a cellphone video of her twin 6-month- old grandsons, Karam and Kareem. Dressed in matching green outfits and propped in an overstuffed armchair, the babies babbled to each other, grabbing hold of each other’s fingers. Aside from the crop of curls atop Karam’s head, they looked identical. “The video was taken one day before they were killed,” Leila told me.

Leila sifted through a stack of photographs of her deceased loved ones, muttering “God’s mercy on them” as her husband, Talal, recounted what had occurred at approximately 3 am on July 21, 2014, in Shejaiya. Seven Israeli soldiers had been killed, and a night of intense shelling had followed, in revenge, many in Shejaiya believe. Leila was preparing the predawn Ramadan meal when Talal’s brother Jihad, who lived just across the road, phoned to check on the family. Minutes later, F-16 fighter jets shot two missiles into Jihad’s house.

Talal, a trim man with glasses and a neatly groomed mustache, led me to the pile of rubble under which 11 members of his family had been crushed. His 11-year-old daughter Hadeel and 13-year-old son Ahmed scampered behind him as Talal quietly recited the names of the dead: “My brother Jihad and his wife Siham; their children Mohammad, Ahmed, Tahrir, Asmaa, and 15-year-old Najiya; and my daughter Hidaya”—married to Jihad’s son Ahmed—“and their children: 2-year-old Maram and the twins, Kareem and Karam.”

Talal pointed to a cement pillar in the wreckage. “Asmaa was alive, and this pillar was on her chest.” Talal lowered his face, which suddenly looked 10 years older. “She was burned and calling for help.” For two hours, Talal said, they tried to extricate her. Shelling began again over their heads, and they were forced to run for cover, with Asmaa calling after them. A late-afternoon cease-fire finally enabled firefighters to arrive and remove the pillar. “Asmaa was still alive, but she fainted and remained unconscious in the hospital. She died the next day.”

Talal pointed to different areas of the shattered cement and twisted rebar. “From here we pulled Jihad out, and his wife. That was eight days later. For eight days they were under the rubble—no one could reach them. Ahmed, we pulled him out from here. Mohammad was beside his father.” Talal exhaled through pursed lips. “By the time we pulled them out, the bodies were bloated and decaying.” He appeared vacant for a moment, then repeated the detail that seemed to haunt him most. “Eight days under the debris.”

This was not the al-Hilu family’s first tragedy. Talal and Leila’s 14-year-old son Izzeldin was killed by the Israeli army in 2002. Then, in 2011, shrapnel from an Israeli tank shell penetrated the stomach of their then-9-year-old son Ahmed. At his parents’ prompting, Ahmed pulled up his T-shirt and lowered his jeans to show me the entrance and exit wounds. Chunks of flesh were missing from his abdomen, with bulbous scarring on his left hip. But his parents were more worried about Ahmed’s behavior since the summer than about his previous injuries. “Ahmed and Hadeel are afraid at night,” Leila said. “They both wet themselves. They refuse to sleep in their bedrooms; they sleep in ours.”

Ahmed refuses to go outside after dark, Talal told me. He’s easily angered at home, often shouting at his mother or breaking dishes in the kitchen. “We don’t discipline him,” Talal said. “We know very well what he’s feeling.”

When I asked him what does he feel as a father, Talal replied: “What can I do, as a father? There’s nothing I can do.” This is a common emotion among Gaza’s adults. “Parents cannot protect their children,” Dr. Atti said. “And the children understand and feel that. The parents themselves are constantly afraid.” This fear is compounded by a pervasive uncertainty—whether there will be another war, when rebuilding materials will arrive, how many hours of electricity or water will they have, whether their cooking gas will last the month. “The prolonged siege and consecutive assaults deplete people of their natural protective resources, their stress mediators, and their ability to cope with difficulties,” Dr. Abu Jamei explained.

********************

I first met Ahmed Abu Hatab, from the Khan Younis refugee camp in southern Gaza, in 2001, when he was an 11-year-old boy with a love of magic tricks and an irrepressible grin. There was no flicker of that grin when Ahmed met my taxi. He graduated from university with a degree in information technology five years ago, but he cannot find a job. “No work. No electricity. No hope. No future,” Ahmed said.

The Abu Hatabs’ desperation began with the 2007 blockade and intensified acutely after the 2014 war, they told me. Ahmed’s friend tried to escape by boat to Italy, but the boat capsized and his friend drowned. Ahmed’s 30-year-old sister Abeer, a 12th-grade teacher with three daughters, elaborated: “The war not only destroyed homes, hospitals, mosques—it also destroyed all feelings. Where is there hope to live?”

When I asked the family what could bring hope, the answers came piling on: Open the gates. End the siege. Build an airport. Be permitted to visit Al Aqsa in Jerusalem. Have rights like other people.

But Cherepanov pointed to another, unlikely source of hope. “When the future is uncertain, strength can come from past survival experiences,” she said. “Humanity has been plagued by war since the beginning of time, and has developed culturally engraved skills of how they coped in the past and managed to preserve the values of kindness, forgiveness, and compassion. This is how the experience of trauma can become a strength.”

Leila al-Hilu is an example of this. Immediately after the war, she began sewing dresses free of charge for the little girls in the neighborhood. “It helps me compensate for my loss and my lack of emotions after my daughter, granddaughter, and the twins were killed,” Leila said. And as precarious as the future is, the eldest Awajah child is planning for hers. Omsiyat, 17, completed her final high-school exam on June 17 of this year. She plans to enter university in the fall to study journalism.

Still, Abu Jamei had a warning to impart: “When these children, who lived through three assaults, grow up and lead society…how will their experiences, memories, stress, and trauma impact them? Growing up in a hostile environment with no window for the future…what is left for that child? Nothing but despair and anger—which will lead to aggression, which will also backfire on the Israelis. This situation needs to end, for the sake of Palestinian and Israeli children.”

Kifah Kahaman, surrounded by children building towers from rubble, said her dreams for herself and for those children were simple: “To have bread to eat, to receive an education, and to live in dignity.”


Saturday, July 4, 2015

Indian Ministry Suppresses UNICEF Data on Child Malnutrition Problems in Gujarat Read more: Indian Ministry Suppresses UNICEF Data on Child Malnutrition Problems in Gujarat


Indian Ministry Suppresses UNICEF Data on Child Malnutrition Problems in Gujarat  Read more: Indian Ministry Suppresses UNICEF Data on Child Malnutrition Problems in Gujarat

The Women and Child Development ministry suppressed part of the UNICEF report on child health in India. Senior Congress leader Ahmed Patel questioned the government for not releasing the data on child malnutrition and immunization problems in Gujarat and a few other states.



"I find it surprising that in October 2014, the women and child development ministry chose to publish only a part of this report, but excluded states such as Gujarat which has a chronic problem of malnutrition and child immunization," Patel said in a letter to Women and Child Development Minister Maneka Gandhi.

The Rapid Survey of Children (RSOC) 2013-2014 was commissioned by the women and child development ministry in association with UNICEF.

"While the government may have its reasons for not releasing the report to the national audience, it remains inexplicable as to how foreign agencies such as the US-based International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) got access to this data," said Patel, the political secretary to Congress chief Sonia Gandhi.

"The IFPRI has used data from RSOC 2013-2014 to publish its first ever global nutrition report last year," he said.

Patel said that lack of reliable and relevant data is one of the major constraints in formulating policies pertaining to public health.

"The last publicly available data on health and nutrition is more than eight years old. Given that the previous government had invested significantly in schemes such as the National Rural Health Mission (NRHM) and Intergrated Child Development Services (ICDS), India would have seen a marked improvement in her health care indicators overt the last decade," he said.

Patel said in his letter that RSOC 2013-2014 has a substantial sample size covering all major states and its disclosure will not only benefit agencies but also the academia and civil society working in the field of public health.

"I believe that the release of the report will also veer public discourse and attention towards less discussed matters such as malnutrition and infant mortality,"

Tuesday, June 30, 2015

Hindu extremists beat up Muslim man in northern India: Video


Hindu extremists beat up Muslim man in northern India: Video

In this picture, a Muslim man, identified as Riyaz, is being thrashed by Hindu extremists from the Bajrang Dal organization in Muzaffarnagar, northern India, June 19, 2015.

Members of an extremist Hindu organization thrash a Muslim man in India’s northern and most populous state of Uttar Pradesh as Muslims in the vast South Asian country continue to be targeted by sectarian violence.

Videos posted on social media networks show radicals from the Bajrang Dal organization, whose ideology is based on fundamentalist Hindutva, verbally abusing the victim as a fanatic mercilessly beats the man, identified as Riyaz, with a belt in the city of Muzaffarnagar, situated approximately 130 kilometers (80 miles) north of the capital, New Delhi, and in front of a large number of onlookers.

The ill-fated Muslim man is being tormented on the accusations that he was attempting to slaughter a cow in Shamli district of the city. Riyaz, however, has dismissed the claims and said he was just present at the site, where the cow was allegedly being slaughtered.

The video further shows Indian police forces arresting the victim, while taking no actions against Bajrang Dal extremists.



Meanwhile, local civil groups have blamed Samajwadi Party and Bharatiya Janata Party – the two major Indian political parties – of rekindling secretarial strife in Muzaffarnagar.

In September 2013, clashes between Muslims and Hindus in the Shamli and Muzaffarnagar districts of Uttar Pradesh state killed more than 50 and left 50,000 displaced. Many among the Muslim community fled their homes seeking shelter at relief camps.

A total of 294 people were arrested over the violence, despite nearly 6,000 being named as suspects.

Displaced Indian Muslims said their makeshift homes were being demolished by the state government in order to avoid negative media attention, following a report that revealed 34 children had died in the relief camps.

India’s Caste Culture is a Rape Culture


India’s Caste Culture is a Rape Culture

A Dalit woman explains how the caste system is a lethal one where, according to India’s National Crime Records Bureau, four Dalit women are raped, two Dalits are murdered, and two Dalit homes are torched every day.



This past week, the world mourned with a town called Baduan in Uttar Pradesh, India.  There the raped bodies of two young girls were found hanging in a mango tree while behind them their grim families refused to leave until justice was done. And as the news cycle ran statements from International NGOs, UN Officials, and pundits, there was no denying that the rotting smell of India’s strange fruit had come front and center to the world stage.

I am a Dalit woman, I’m here to tell you that this Strange Fruit has a name and its name is caste. Just as there is no way to understand sexual violence in the history of the United States without understanding racism, there is no way to understand the frequency and lack of punishment of violence against women in India right now without understanding caste.


This system ranks human beings at birth, with your family’s caste determining the whole of your life—your job, your level of spiritual purity, and your social standing. Those at the bottom are branded “Untouchables”, untouchable because we are spiritually defiling to others and thus condemned to a life of exploitation.

We are 200 million people struggling against this unjust system. We are not a small fringe group, we are a critical mass.  We reject this heinous system and call ourselves “Dalits.” Dalit meaning broken by oppression, but defined by struggle.  

Since independence there has been an affirmative action policy in India that has led to a first generation of Dalit doctors, scientists, lawyers, and public officials. Yet the great majority of Dalits are still condemned to the margins of life. We live in a caste apartheid with separate villages, places of worship, and even schools.  It is a lethal system where, according to India’s National Crime Records Bureau, four Dalit women are raped, two Dalits are murdered, and two Dalit homes are torched every day.

Baduan has woken up the world to this reality. India’s culture of caste is a culture of rape. Both for oppression and opportunism, caste-based sexual violence is meant to silence our communities. Each attempt to achieve equality— going to school, getting a job, or voting—brings greater risk of reprisal.  Because at its heart, caste-based sexual violence is about creating a climate of terror so that Dalits will fear challenging this system. This reprisal violence though has now reached record numbers with a recent study by the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights reporting that over 67% of Dalit women have faced some form of sexual violence.

This culture of rape is also a culture of impunity where upper-caste Hindu perpetrators of these crimes are protected within India’s rape culture at all levels of the justice system. UN Special Rapporteur Ms. Rashida Manjoo relays in her recent report on the status of women in India that there is a “deeply entrenched patriarchal attitude of police officers, prosecutors, judicial officers.” This coupled with the unsavory reality that members of the police, judiciary, and public officials often collude with perpetrators to keep Dalit women from filing claims and receiving justice.  

That is why we must all break the silence about caste-based sexual violence. We must stop talking about this rape culture in terms of individual incidents. It is more than Baduan, Delhi, Bagahana, or Mumbai. It is in fact the India of today. We must look at this as a systemic, structural problem. We must look at the culpability of the Indian state, from the police to the courts. The shame intended for Dalits by these acts is actually the shame of a country that refuses to protect all its citizens. From the corrupt, rural police outpost to the politicians in Delhi, the culture of impunity protects perpetrators and denies justice for our women.

With such a failure of the rule of law, the only legitimate response we have now is to fight. Dalit women in all spheres-- activists, thinkers, artists-- are leading historic movements all over South Asia to end caste and caste-based sexual violence. Because the world stood with the civil rights movement in the United Sates and the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa, these movements succeeded. So too, we ask for the world to stand shoulder to shoulder with Dalit women and our families to end this violence. We do not fight only for ourselves, we fight for all who have suffered from this rape culture.

So we ask you. Stand with us. For this is our final truth: Until Dalit women are free, no woman is free. 

Monday, July 11, 2011

What would you do if you were in Qasba By Nizamuddin Siddiqui


A resident points to gaping holes in a house at a violence-hit neighbourhood in Karachi on July 10, 

How would you feel if you lived in the country’s largest city (and not a remote, militant-infested hamlet near the border) but could not get out of your house because of fear for your life? How would you feel if you and your family had to do without water for days on end? How would you feel if you went without electricity for several days? How would you feel if you saw a couple of your neighbours get shot but couldn’t do anything to help them? How would you feel if you beseeched the authorities to come to your aid but were rebuffed each time?

Well, you would feel exactly the same way as did the people of Sector A in Qasba Colony on Sunday. You would be standing outside your house or loitering about in the neighbourhood simply because it was finally possible to do so. You would tell your neighbour where you were on Tuesday when the troubles began, when gunmen atop the infamous Kati Pahari began firing at your neighbourhood. You would discuss with your neighbours in detail how you and your family managed to keep life and limb together since then.

And if you looked up at the houses and makeshift bunkers on the hill, you would feel like going up to the people there and ask them why they made life impossible for you and your family these past few days. But then you would come to your senses because doing that would be unthinkable. Going to Muslimabad and trying to reason with the people there would be unthinkable because it looked like another province.

You would be dying to tell your story to the world because the hundreds of bullets that pierced through the KESC transformer in your neighbourhood on Tuesday night had made it impossible for you to watch television. And because your cellphone had died on you two days earlier and you had not ventured out of Qasba at all, you would be largely in the dark if at all the world knew of the impossible situation in Qasba Colony.

That’s why you would rush to any journalist who came to your neighbourhood and eagerly shake his hand. You would not waste time in complaining about the tardy response of the media but would busy yourself in showing to the guy each bullet hole in your neighbourhood. You would show him each rock, each boulder sent your way. And when the chap talked to other people, you would rack your brains to decide what to show him next.

You would ask one of your neighbours, who had collected some of the bullets that hit houses in your neighbourhood, to show the journalist his entire collection. You would call out to people who were affected more than you were.

“What’s the name of the tall man with the beard who was hit in the knee?” you would ask your neighbour. But then you would yourself blurt out when you recalled the name of your injured neighbour: “Jamal, where is he now — in the hospital or at home?”

You would bombard the journalist with so much information that asking questions would become almost redundant for him.

Overwhelmed by what he saw and heard, the newsman would simply immerse himself in taking notes, in recording each detail, each slight.After racking your brains, you would then think of showing the guy the biggest evidence you have of how difficult it had become at one point. “Let me show you ‘the corridor’ which we built to take out our women and children, in case surviving this war became impossible,” you would say.

Rather enjoying the look of amazement on the face of the journalist, you would explain that it was not a proper corridor that you had built for your womenfolk, but a series of holes in the boundary walls of the seven houses on your street.

A hole in the common wall between two houses made it possible for the two families there to go from one house to the other, you would explain. “Holes in all the boundary walls on the street made it possible for us to take the women from one house to the other at will. These holes were made because we could not go out onto the street in front of our houses. So we decided to link our houses sideways in case we needed to flee our own neighbourhood using the side street.”

You would then have the satisfaction of seeing the journalist ask his photographer to take several pictures of ‘the corridor’.

Does anybody care?


Does anybody care?

As news of the trouble in Karachi filters onto media outlets, the great tragedy is not the death of humans but it’s the death of humanity that has added the element of the surreal to the entire situation.

Earlier weeks brought news of targeted killings with the “victims” mostly being affiliated with 3 major political parties, and as part of the local gang war/political rivalry. Most people were ‘okay’ with the news. Let the mobsters kill each other was the word on the street. Imagine Al Pacino taking out Michael Corleone and you’ll get what I mean. But since when did civilians, and that too children, become cannon fodder for them?

One can take a political look at this, but it doesn’t make any sense to off your voter base. Any analysis of the issue would be purely conjecture and would never produce a unified result. Here’s one of them to add to the Diaspora. Political parties at first started taking out “hits” against each other, well known party (read gang) members were the first ones to go. As rivalries and tempers flared, so did the trigger happy fingers and all of a sudden the melting pot that is Karachi went up in flames as the fight turned insane.

Pictures and videos of gunmen running openly in the streets served more than just to shock us. Anyone who saw those images questioned where the government’s writ was, whatever little of it remains. Why isn’t there a full scale crack down to ensure that the violence comes to a halt? Why aren’t the people behind the political parties brought to task over what their hoodlums are doing?  Well here’s an explanation, the government is too busy worrying about having its corruption uncovered to care. Mr Zafar Qureshi bags all the attention of our parliamentarians (most of whom have had their hands in the cookie jar) and they do not have the time or the will to care for the ordinary civilians in Karachi. Of course Rehman Malik flew into Karachi after midnight to “address” the situation, but whoever believes it is anything but a photo-op is deluded. A failing government wants to show it cares, however far from reality that may be.

What of the army and the rangers. Yes the hated duo, until of course the situation gets out of control and they have to be called in to manage affairs. Why aren’t they stepping up? To prove to the masses that the civilian government is useless? To abide by the laws of the state to not go in until requested perhaps, but dear generals, our politicians are worried about the NICL scam, they don’t have time to handle real issues that plague our nation.

All said and done, there a million possibilities to each question and very few answers. What is clear however is the sheer disregard being shown by the gangsters on the streets. Also visible is the unbelievable amount of contempt for the lives of ordinary citizens being shown by those in the corridors of power. Who cares less for the people’s suffering is a question I dare not think about.

Sunday, November 14, 2010

796 dead in Haiti's cholera outbreak


796 dead in Haiti's cholera outbreak

Boys are treated for cholera Thursday at a Samaritan's Purse medical clinic in the Haitian town of Bercy.



(CNN) -- Three brothers recuperated Thursday afternoon in a once-open field now speckled by the bright blue tarps of a cholera rehydration clinic in the Haitian town of Bercy, where an outbreak has sickened hundreds of people.
A cousin brought the young boys to the clinic, set up by Samaritan's Purse, said Roseann Dennery, a spokeswoman for the Christian charity. They plopped down on cots, drained by severe diarrhea and vomiting.
What they did not know yet was that the night before, their father had frantically tried to find a motorcycle so he could bring in their mother for treatment. He could not find one in time.
So while the boys were regaining their strength with the help of an intravenous drip, their father was making funeral arrangements for their mother.
They had survived the earthquake, but this family was ripped apart by a disease that is now feared to be spreading rapidly.
The death toll in Haiti's cholera outbreak climbed Friday to 796 people, according to Haiti's Ministry of Public Health and Population. Another 12,303 people have fallen sick with the intestinal infection.

Epidemiologists predict the outbreak could last for months and say the entire nation of almost 10 million people is at risk because they have no immunity to cholera.
The United Nations warned that Haiti is facing one of the most severe outbreaks of the disease in the past 100 years. It appealed to international donors for almost $164 million in response money.
Of grave concern now are four confirmed cases that originated in the tent cities of Port-au-Prince, camps that sprang up to shelter those left homeless by the earthquake last January. Health officials fear that infection could spread quickly in congested, unsanitary conditions and in impoverished neighborhoods where clean drinking water is at a premium.
Symptoms of cholera, an acute, diarrheal illness caused by infection of the intestine, can be mild or even nonexistent. But sometimes they can be severe -- profuse watery diarrhea, vomiting and leg cramps, which can cause rapid loss of body fluids and lead to dehydration and shock.
If left untreated, a person can die within hours.
Aid workers like those of the American Red Cross have been going tent to tent in Haiti's makeshift camps, telling people of the importance of drinking clean water and outlining practices that can help avoid contamination.
Spokeswoman Julie Sell said Red Cross workers also have been handing out bars of soap. "Wash between your fingers," they tell the camp residents. "Don't dry your hand with a dirty towel."
"We find among many people there is very little understanding on how you prevent it," Sell said.
People are anxious, she said, as the death curve has crept steadily higher and the health minister has proclaimed the cholera crisis a matter of national security.
"Haiti has had more than its share of bad luck," Sell said. "This is another crisis that this country does not need. It's heartbreaking."
Complicating matters is the fact that Haiti has not seen cholera in more than 50 years -- it's yet another unfamiliar hardship for citizens and medical personnel. Also, the country's public health system, already strained before the earthquake, was virtually wiped out after January 12, according to the United Nations.
"Now you have the prospect of tens of thousands of cholera patients streaming into the system," Sell said. "That will be difficult."
Aid agencies already working on the island to help quake survivors have rushed to set up cholera treatment centers.
Medecins Sans Frontieres (Doctors Without Borders) was erecting another 320-bed facility in the Sarthe neighborhood. Samaritan's Purse planned to enlarge its clinic in Bercy -- about an hour's drive north of the capital -- to 100 beds by Thursday night. Dennery said the group was anticipating a need in nearby Cabaret as well.
In the meantime, the government has been telling people not to panic; only to remain vigilant. And health workers have been spreading this word through cell phone texts, pamphlets and loudspeakers: Prevention is key.
On Route 9 in Cite Soleil, Dennery's team looked more like political candidates than medical personnel when they passed through in their white "tap-tap" truck with large speakers mounted on top, she said. Crowds of people rushed to get a cholera flier, as though it were money.
The important thing, Dennery said, is that the word is getting out on how to stay alive.

At least 700 families living outside Kenya refugee camp face peril


At least 700 families living outside Kenya refugee camp face peril

Newly arrived Somali refugees stand outside the UNHCR registration centre at the Ifo camp in Dadaab, Kenya, on September 9.


(CNN) -- The largest refugee camp in the world, in Dadaab, Kenya, is facing an overcrowding crisis with at least 700 families now residing in "unacceptable living conditions" outside the camp and in peril with the approaching rain season, the humanitarian group Medecins Sans Frontieres (Doctors Without Borders) said.
The overflowing refugee camp -- accommodating almost 300,000 Somali refugees though it was built for only 90,000 -- is now seeing "spontaneous settlements" of at least 3,000 people living in makeshift shelters, the group said Friday. Those 3,000 people couldn't find room in the three camps that make up the Dadaab compound, including the 700 families outside the Dagahaley camp, the group said.
Medecins Sans Frontieres on Friday called upon the international aid community and Kenyan authorities to reach an agreement to provide assistance to the families, as heavy rains the past two days have flooded the settlements.
"Hundreds of families have been living in makeshift shelters in a no-man's land over the past four months, waiting to be re-located to a proper camp," said Joke Van Peteghem, the group's head of mission in Kenya. "These refugees are in dire need of assistance given the hardships they have endured. With the onset of the rainy season, we must act now."
The dire conditions have long been documented by the United Nations Human Rights Council, which in May described services as "stretched to their limits" and unacceptable conditions that included a "growing risk of and vulnerability to disease."
"We are at a dead end," said Van Peteghem. "While we have distributed plastic sheeting to the new refugee families, it is far from enough, especially now that the rainy season has started."
Thousands of men, women and children flee by foot the war in Somalia each month, making a treacherous journey into Kenya, but they arrive to the refugee camps finding shortages of water, food, sanitation and shelter, Medecins Sans Frontieres officials said.
The camp complex is so overcrowded that it cannot accept hundreds of families, group officials said.

Wednesday, November 10, 2010

Obama: US-Muslim mistrust must end


Obama: US-Muslim mistrust must end

Obama hailed Indonesia as an example of successful religious co-existence

Building on his Cairo speech, the US president said much more needs to be done to repair frayed US-Muslim relations.

Delivering a keynote speech in Indonesia, the world's most populous Muslim nation, the US president has said much more needs to be done to repair frayed US relations with the Muslim world.

Barack Obama addressed a 6,000-strong audience, mainly students, at the national university in the capital, Jakarta, on Wednesday.

"Just as individuals are not defined solely by their faith, Indonesia is defined by more than its Muslim population," he said.

"But we also know that relations between the United States and Muslim communities have frayed over many years. As president, I have made it a priority to begin to repair these relations."

Obama, who spent four years in Indonesia as a young boy, praised the world's most populous Muslim nation as an example of successful religious co-existence.

"Even as this land of my youth has changed in so many ways, those things that I learned to love about Indonesia - that spirit of tolerance that is written into your constitution, symbolised in your mosques and churches and temples, and embodied in your people - still lives on," he said.

'New beginning'

His speech was an update to a major address he gave 17 months ago in the Egyptian capital, Cairo, where he declared a "new beginning" in US-Muslim relations after the tensions over the 9/11 attacks on the US and the former US administration's response to them.

"In the 17 months that have passed we have made some progress, but much more work remains to be done," Obama said.

"I said then, and I will repeat now, that no single speech can eradicate years of mistrust. But I believed then, and I believe today, that we have a choice. We can choose to be defined by our differences, and give into a future of suspicion and mistrust. Or we can choose to do the hard work of forging common ground, and commit ourselves to the steady pursuit of progress."

Al Jazeera's Step Vaessen, reporting from Jakarta, said Obama's speech went down very well in Indonesia.

She said Indonesians were generally receptive to the president's speech.

Middle East peace

Mentioning the Middle East specifically, Obama said the Israeli-Palestinian peace process faces "enormous obstacles" after he relaunched talks in September only to see the dialogue bogged down over disputes between the parties.

"But let there be no doubt: we will spare no effort in working for the outcome that is just, and that is in the interest of all the parties involved: two states, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace and security."

The president gave his speech on a twice-postponed visit to Indonesia, which was the second stop in his four-country tour of Asia.

Amit Shah told to stay out of Gujarat till Nov. 29


Amit Shah told to stay out of Gujarat till Nov. 29

Gujarat Minister Amit Shah waving to his supporters after his release from Ahmedabad Central Jail. The Supreme Court has ordered Shah to stay out of Gujarat till November 29


The Supreme Court on Wednesday told former Gujarat Home Minister Amit Shah to remain out of Gujarat till November 29 after he sought more time to respond to the Central Bureau of Investigation’s plea for his bail cancellation in the Sohrabuddin Sheikh fake encounter case.

A Bench of Justices Aftab Alam and R.M. Lodha while asking Mr. Shah to stay out of Gujarat granted him time till November 20 to file his response. They asked the CBI to file its rejoinder to the response by November 25 and posted the matter for further hearing to November 29.

The Bench passed the direction after senior counsel U.U. Lalit and counsel Bina Madhavan made an “impromptu mentioning” urging the court to grant additional time to file his response.

The Supreme Court earlier, during a special hearing in the residence of Justice Alam on October 30, had asked Mr. Shah to move out of Gujarat “till further orders” and had sought his response on the CBI’s plea for cancelling his bail.

It had asked Mr. Shah to file his response by November 12 and had originally listed the matter for further hearing to November 15.

The CBI had approached the Supreme Court on October 29 seeking cancellation of bail to Mr. Shah, granted by the Gujarat High Court a day earlier.

The CBI had sought urgent hearing of its plea, prompting the Supreme Court’s registry to arrange for the hearing on Justice Alam’s residence during Dussehra vacations.

The court had on October 30 directed Mr. Shah to leave Gujarat by the next morning, ordering him to stay out of the State till its further orders.

The special Bench had ordered Mr. Shah to leave the State after senior advocate K.T.S. Tulsi, appearing for CBI, had expressed the apprehension before the court that Mr. Shah was an influential person and was likely to influence witnesses in the case.

Mr. Shah, a close aide of Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi, had been granted bail by the Gujarat High Court three months after his arrest for his alleged role in the Sohrabuddin case.

Mr. Shah had to quit the Modi government in July this year after being slapped with charges of murder and kidnapping in the fake encounter killing of Sohrabuddin Sheikh and his wife Kausar Bi in 2005.

Tuesday, November 2, 2010

Official: Haiti cholera deaths rise above 330 as hurricane approaches


Official: Haiti cholera deaths rise above 330 as hurricane approaches

Doctors receive hundreds of Cholera patients per day at the hospital in L'Estere on October 26, 2010



CNN) -- The death toll from a cholera outbreak in Haiti has risen to more than 330, and officials believe Hurricane Tomas may worsen the situation as it approaches, a U.N. spokeswoman said Saturday.
The number of confirmed cholera cases has climbed to 4,764, with 337 deaths, said Imogen Wall, spokeswoman for the U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in Haiti, citing information provided by the Haitian government. Those numbers represent the people that were able to make it to the hospital, she said.
Another 200 cases are suspected in the nation's West Department, or province, she said.
What is cholera?
Tracking maps show Hurricane Tomas nearing Haiti on Thursday as a Category 3 hurricane.

U.N. peacekeepers said Thursday that preliminary tests on a suspected source of the cholera outbreak were negative.
The U.N. mission in Haiti is testing waste and sewage water at the back of a Nepalese military base that is part of the U.N. operations. The first tests showed no signs of cholera, officials said earlier this week.
The mission said it "has taken very seriously the allegations that sewage water coming from latrines at the back of the Nepalese military base in Mirebalais could be the source of the cholera outbreak in Haiti."
Cholera cases up worldwide
Suspicions about the Nepalese base arose from reports that water was collecting at the back of the base. It was believed to be overflow from the latrine or a septic tank.
U.N. engineers examined the base and concluded that the standing water was not from the latrine of septic tank, but from a soak pit that receives water from the kitchen and the shower area, the U.N mission said.
"This soak pit is located three meters from the latrines, hence misleading passers-by into believing that the soaked ground close to latrines is caused by the overspill of human waste," it said.
All human waste from the camp is collected in seven septic tanks that are emptied out and discharged in a local landfill as authorized by the local government, the United Nations said.
The agency also noted that all 710 Nepalese soldiers underwent medical tests, and tested negative for cholera, before deployment to Haiti earlier this month.

Saturday, October 23, 2010

US 'lost' nuclear codes in 2000


US 'lost' nuclear codes in 2000

The codes went missing during President Bill Clinton's time in the White House


Ex-US general says in book that codes went missing after Clinton aide in charge of nuclear "biscuit" lost track of them.

Special codes that allow the US president to order a nuclear attack went missing "for months" during Bill Clinton's time in the White House, his former top military officer has said in his memoir.

The nuclear authorisation codes, known as the "biscuit", are supposed to remain close to the US president at all times and are safeguarded by one of his aides.

"At one point during the Clinton administration -- and until this day, to my knowledge this has never been released - the codes were actually missing for months," Hugh Shelton, former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, wrote in his newly-published memoir, "Without Hesitation: The Odyssey of an American Warrior".

"This is a big deal - a gargantuan deal - and we dodged a silver bullet."

'Comedy of errors'

The aide assigned with the task of keeping the "biscuit" lost track of the codes in 2000, the retired general said.

When a colleague from the Pentagon came to the White House to confirm the codes as part of a monthly routine procedure, the aide put him off, saying Clinton had the codes and was busy with an urgent meeting.

"This comedy of errors went on, without President Clinton's knowledge I'm sure," Shelton said, until it was time to replace the codes with a new set, which is done every four months.

"At this point we learned that the aide had no idea where the old ones were, because they had been missing for months.

"The president never did have them, but he assumed, I'm sure, that the aide had them like he was supposed to," he added.

When he learned of the disaster, Shelton rushed to the offices of William Cohen, the then-defence secretary, saying: "You are not going to believe this."

Procedures were changed after the incident, but fears that the slip-up would find its way on to the front page never materialised.

Yet the episode showed that no system could be entirely safe from human error, Shelton wrote.

"You can do whatever you can and think you have an infallible system, but somehow someone always seems to find a way to screw it  up," he said.

Another book published several years ago described a similar incident but alleged the episode occurred in 1998 the day after the Monica Lewinsky scandal broke.

Robert Patterson, a retired US Air Force lieutenant colonel, wrote that Clinton himself, and not an aide, allegedly lost track of the codes.

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