CHILD TRAFFICKING  AND CHILD ABUSE HAS TO COME TO AN END.

Trafficking in children is a global problem affecting large numbers of children. Some estimates have as many as 1.2 million children being trafficked every year. There is a demand for trafficked children as cheap labour or for sexual exploitation. Children and their families are often unaware of the dangers of trafficking, believing that better employment and lives lie in other countries.

Showing posts with label Gaza. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Gaza. Show all posts

Sunday, January 10, 2016

Palestinian liberation is “key matter of our time,” say Black leaders


Palestinian liberation is “key matter of our time,” say Black leaders

Over the past year, strengthened resilience and joint struggle have emerged between Black and Palestinian liberation movements. (Tess Scheflan/ ActiveStills)
More than 1,000 Black activists, artists, scholars, students and organizations have released this statement reaffirming their “solidarity with the Palestinian struggle and commitment to the liberation of Palestine’s land and people.”

The list of signatories includes scholar-activists Angela Davis and Cornel West, political prisoners Mumia Abu-Jamal and Sundiata Acoli, rappers Talib Kweli, Boots Riley and Jasiri X and Black Lives Matter co-founder Patrisse Cullors. Forty organizations signed, including the Florida-based Dream Defenders and St. Louis-based Hands Up United and Tribe X, which were founded after the killings of Trayvon Martin and Michael Brown, respectively, as well as the 35-year-old Organization for Black Struggle in St. Louis.

This statement was originally published at blackforpalestine.com and also appears in Ebony. You can also read this statement in Arabic.

The past year has been one of high-profile growth for Black-Palestinian solidarity. Out of the terror directed against us – from numerous attacks on Black life to Israel’s brutal war on Gaza and chokehold on the West Bank – strengthened resilience and joint struggle have emerged between our movements. Palestinians on Twitter were among the first to provide international support for protesters in Ferguson, Missouri, where St. Louis-based Palestinians gave support on the ground.

Last November, a delegation of Palestinian students visited Black organizers in St. Louis, Atlanta, Detroit and more, just months before the Dream Defenders took representatives of Black Lives Matter, Ferguson, and other racial justice groups to Palestine. Throughout the year, Palestinians sent multiple letters of solidarity to us throughout protests in Ferguson, New York and Baltimore. We offer this statement to continue the conversation between our movements:

On the anniversary of last summer’s Gaza massacre, in the 48th year of Israeli occupation, the 67th year of Palestinians’ ongoing Nakba (the Arabic word for Israel’s ethnic cleansing) – and in the fourth century of Black oppression in the present-day United States – we, the undersigned Black activists, artists, scholars, writers, and political prisoners offer this letter of reaffirmed solidarity with the Palestinian struggle and commitment to the liberation of Palestine’s land and people.

We can neither forgive nor forget last summer’s violence. We remain outraged at the brutality Israel unleashed on Gaza through its siege by land, sea and air, and three military offensives in six years.

We remain sickened by Israel’s targeting of homes, schools, UN shelters, mosques, ambulances, and hospitals.

We remain heartbroken and repulsed by the number of children Israel killed in an operation it called “defensive.”

We reject Israel’s framing of itself as a victim. Anyone who takes an honest look at the destruction to life and property in Gaza can see Israel committed a one-sided slaughter. With 100,000 people still homeless in Gaza, the massacre’s effects continue to devastate Gaza today and will for years to come.

Israel’s injustice and cruelty toward Palestinians is not limited to Gaza and its problem is not with any particular Palestinian party. The oppression of Palestinians extends throughout the occupied territories, within Israel’s 1948 borders, and into neighboring countries. The Israeli occupation forces continue to kill protesters – including children – conduct night raids on civilians, hold hundreds of people under indefinite detention and demolish homes while expanding illegal Jewish-only settlements.

Israeli politicians, including Benjamin Netanyahu, incite against Palestinian citizens within Israel’s recognized borders, where over 50 laws discriminate against non-Jewish people.

Our support extends to those living under occupation and siege, Palestinian citizens of Israel and the 7 million Palestinian refugees exiled in Jordan, Lebanon, Syria and Palestine. The refugees’ right to return to their homeland in present-day Israel is the most important aspect of justice for Palestinians.

Palestinian liberation represents an inherent threat to Israeli settler colonialism and apartheid, an apparatus built and sustained on ethnic cleansing, land theft, and the denial of Palestinian humanity and sovereignty. While we acknowledge that the apartheid configuration in Israel/Palestine is unique from the United States (and South Africa), we continue to see connections between the situation of Palestinians and Black people.

Israel’s widespread use of detention and imprisonment against Palestinians evokes the mass incarceration of Black people in the US, including the political imprisonment of our own revolutionaries.

Soldiers, police, and courts justify lethal force against us and our children who pose no imminent threat. And while the US and Israel would continue to oppress us without collaborating with each other, we have witnessed police and soldiers from the two countries train side-by-side.

US and Israeli officials and media criminalize our existence, portray violence against us as “isolated incidents,” and call our resistance “illegitimate” or “terrorism.” These narratives ignore decades and centuries of anti-Palestinian and anti-Black violence that have always been at the core of Israel and the US.

We recognize the racism that characterizes Israel’s treatment of Palestinians is also directed against others in the region, including intolerance, police brutality and violence against Israel’s African population. Israeli officials call asylum seekers from Sudan and Eritrea “infiltrators” and detain them in the desert, while the state has sterilized Ethiopian Israelis without their knowledge or consent. These issues call for unified action against anti-Blackness, white supremacy and Zionism.

We know Israel’s violence toward Palestinians would be impossible without the US defending Israel on the world stage and funding its violence with over $3 billion annually. We call on the US government to end economic and diplomatic aid to Israel. We wholeheartedly endorse Palestinian civil society’s 2005 call for boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) against Israel and call on Black and US institutions and organizations to do the same. We urge people of conscience to recognize the struggle for Palestinian liberation as a key matter of our time.

As the BDS movement grows, we offer G4S, the world’s largest private security company, as a target for further joint struggle.

G4S harms thousands of Palestinian political prisoners illegally held in Israel and hundreds of Black and brown youth held in its privatized juvenile prisons in the US. The corporation profits from incarceration and deportation from the US and Palestine, to the UK, South Africa and Australia. We reject notions of “security” that make any of our groups unsafe and insist no one is free until all of us are.

We offer this statement first and foremost to Palestinians, whose suffering does not go unnoticed and whose resistance and resilience under racism and colonialism inspires us.

It is to Palestinians, as well as the Israeli and US governments, that we declare our commitment to working through cultural, economic and political means to ensure Palestinian liberation at the same time as we work towards our own.

We encourage activists to use this statement to advance solidarity with Palestine and we also pressure our own Black political figures to finally take action on this issue.

As we continue these transnational conversations and interactions, we aim to sharpen our practice of joint struggle against capitalism, colonialism, imperialism and the various racisms embedded in and around our societies.


Towards liberation,

Friday, July 31, 2015

Palestinian toddler burned to death in suspected Jewish ‘price tag’ attack


Palestinian toddler burned to death in suspected Jewish ‘price tag’ attack

An Israeli soldier walks past a house that had been torched in a suspected attack by Jewish extremists killing an 18-month-old Palestinian child, injuring a four-year-old brother and both their parents at Kafr Duma village near the West Bank city of Nablus July 31, 2015.

A suspected “price tag,” or retaliation, arson attack by right-wing Jewish settlers killed an 18-month-old Palestinian child in a house in the occupied West Bank and injured several other people, according to Israeli police.
The toddler died in a house fire which broke out in a village of Kafr Duma near the West Bank city of Nablus, Reuters reports.

The victim’s four-year-old brother and both parents were also injured and have been brought to the hospital. The attack took place in the early hours of the morning when the family was fast asleep and could not react immediately.


The house was reportedly destroyed by fire at the time the family was sleeping inside. The blaze also damaged another house, which was luckily empty at the time.

"I am in shock from this criminal and terrible act," Aruts Sheva quoted Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as saying Friday morning. "We are talking about terrorism in every respect."

The infamous “price tag” tactic, typically used by radical Jewish settlers attacking Palestinian homes, Christian churches, mosques and government buildings, in response to Palestinian attacks on Jewish settlements, was daubed on the walls of the family’s home.


She called it a “suspected attack with nationalist motives,” adding that Israeli security forces were at the scene.

“This attack against civilians is nothing short of a barbaric act of terrorism,” Lt. Col. Peter Lerner, a spokesman for the Israel Defense Force said. “A comprehensive investigation is under way in order to find the terrorists and bring them to justice.”

He added: “The IDF strongly condemns this deplorable attack and has heightened its efforts in the field to locate those responsible.”


The death of a child will inevitably aggravate Israeli-Palestinian tensions at the time when the government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu pursues the controversial settlement expansion policy in the occupied territories.

READ MORE: Israel approves building of 300 new ‘illegitimate’ West Bank homes amid demolition protests

Just this Wednesday, Netanyahu approved the construction of 300 new homes in the central West Bank Jewish settlement of Beit El despite international condemnation. US State Department responded by a statement criticizing the “illegitimate” construction.

However, Israeli authorities have, at the same time, disgruntled some of the Jewish settlers in Beit El, as the Supreme Court has ordered that two blocks of houses illegally built on the Palestinian-owned land in the same area be torn down. The demolition sparked fierce resistance, with settlers protesting and clashing with police on Tuesday.

ARCHIVE: Palestinians watch Israeli heavy machinery demolishing apartment blocks in the West Bank Jewish settlement of Beit El near Ramallah July 29, 2015

Jewish extremists often respond to anti-settler measures with attacks ranging from graffiti and minor vandalism to destruction of property and arson. In June, the Catholic Church of the Multiplication, erected on the spot where Jesus is believed to have performed the Biblical miracle of loaves and fishes, was defaced with Hebrew graffiti and torched. Sixteen Jewish youths visiting the area from the West Bank were detained and questioned in connection with the incident, but later set free.

READ MORE: ​Israel questions, sets free 16 young Jewish settlers after Christian church burned down

Saturday, July 11, 2015

Israeli forces detain Gazan traveling to West Bank for treatment


Israeli forces detain Gazan traveling to West Bank for treatment

Palestinians walk through the Erez border crossing with Israel in the northern Gaza Strip as they cross into Gaza, on June 9, 2010. 

GAZA CITY (Ma’an) – Israeli forces on Friday afternoon detained a young Palestinian man from the Gaza Strip as he tried to pass through Erez crossing near Beit Hanoun in the northern Gaza strip.

Ibrahim al-Shaer, 20, was attempting to travel to the West Bank for medical treatment when Israeli forces stopped him and took him into custody, Palestinian sources and family relatives told Ma’an.

He was taken to an unknown destination.

An Israeli army spokesperson was not able to comment on the detention.

Palestinians living in the Gaza Strip regularly attempt to travel outside of the blockaded coastal enclave for medical treatment.

Seventeen hospitals, 56 primary healthcare facilities and 45 ambulances were damaged or destroyed by Israeli strikes during the 50-day war between Israel and Hamas last summer, according to humanitarian group Medical Aid for Palestinians.

Monday, July 6, 2015

Gaza’s Mental-Health Crisis and the Trauma of Permanent War


Gaza’s Mental-Health Crisis and the Trauma of Permanent War

On the anniversary of the 2014 war, Gaza’s kids are still trying to recover from years’ of cascading violence.

Gaza’s youth play in the rubble of their own homes. Over 16,000 housing units were demolished or damaged in the summer 2014 war. (Photo by Jen Marlowe)

“The Jews shot me.” I was eating breakfast with 3-year-old Ibrahim Awajah in February 2015, in the northern Gaza town of Beit Lahia, when he made this proclamation. His father, Kamal Awajah, saw the surprise on my face.

“No, no, you’re the second Ibrahim,” Kamal quickly corrected the small, sandy-haired boy. “It was your brother who was shot, not you.”

The first Ibrahim, 9 years old, had been shot and killed by an Israeli soldier during the 2009 attack on Gaza, which the Israeli military named Operation Cast Lead. His parents and siblings witnessed the killing, along with the demolition of their home. The second Ibrahim, born in 2011, was named after his martyred brother. He has already lived through two massive military campaigns. He has also lived most of his young life in tentlike structures, first while his family’s house was being rebuilt after Operation Cast Lead, and then after it was destroyed again during the summer 2014 war.

Israel launched its Operation Protective Edge on July 8 last year; its stated aim was to “restore calm to southern Israel” after an increase in rocket fire emanating from the Gaza Strip. The 50-day onslaught left 2,131 Palestinians dead, of whom roughly 70 percent were civilians, including 539 children. Hamas forces in Gaza executed at least 23 alleged collaborators with Israel. Seventy-one Israelis (66 of them soldiers) were killed during the same period, including one 4-year-old boy. Over 16,000 housing units in Gaza were demolished or severely damaged, leaving nearly 118,000 people homeless. The Awajah family is still among them. Though many of the damaged houses have been repaired a year after the war, not one totally demolished home in Gaza has been rebuilt.

I climbed with Wafaa Awajah on the mound of debris that had been her home. “Here was the girls’ room, and next to it was the boys’ room. This was the kitchen, a bathroom, and the stairs,” Wafaa said. “All my dreams are buried under this rubble. Even if the house gets rebuilt, we will always be afraid of its being demolished again.”

I asked about Sobhi, the Awajahs’ 15-year-old son. He seemed more withdrawn than on my previous visits, when I filmed the family for my documentary One Family in Gaza. Once an eager student, he was now skipping school. “Sobhi lost hope in many things,” Kamal answered. “First he lost his brother Ibrahim, and his home. We gave him mental support. ‘Life goes on,’ we told him. ‘Things can be rebuilt.’ But with the 2014 war and the destruction of the house again, Sobhi’s mental and emotional well-being were damaged. I don’t know how to deal with him.”

In a February 2015 report, UNICEF estimated that nearly 300,000 children—approximately one-third of Gaza’s youth—were still in need of psychological and social support six months after the war.

“The issue is the condition of chronic war, which doesn’t lead to speedy recovery,” said Dr. Elena Chere- panov, a mental-health specialist whose expertise is in collective and cultural trauma. She compares the psychological impact of the violence in Gaza to the public-health crises she’s seen in Chechnya, Liberia, and Abkhazia. “Ongoing war means a really severe and systemic traumatic impact on the community, which permeates all areas of life. There are generations who grow up never having the chance to live in safety or plan for the future, which is crucial for trauma recovery.”

******************

I was sitting with Dr. Jamil Atti, Gaza’s country director for the Center for Mind-Body Medicine, in his living room in Gaza City. “When you talk about ‘post-traumatic stress disorder,’ there should be a ‘post,’” Atti said. “And in Gaza, there is no ‘post.’” His face was lit by a cellphone’s flashlight; the power had cut out minutes earlier. Six months after the cease-fire, Gaza was receiving only six hours a day of electricity, due to the damage that its only power plant sustained and the ongoing Israeli blockade, which was imposed when Hamas took charge of the coastal enclave in 2007. As of April, electricity had resumed an eight-hour-on, eight-hour-off schedule.

I asked Atti about the change I saw in the Awajah family. When I first met them, six months after the end of the 2009 assault, the family had been in shock. Now, six months after the 2014 war, they seemed numb. “One of the traumatic symptoms is numbness, of feelings and the body,” Atti explained. “When people have this kind of ongoing trauma, they create a new kind of reality.”

Kifah Kahaman, the principal of Ibrahim Awajah’s nursery school, described that new reality as she led me into its ruins. “The kids are still crying and scared,” she said. “We spent a full month providing them with psychological support and releasing their fear from the war.” Though the cinder-block ceiling was intact, supported by cement pillars, most of the walls had been blown out. With her youthful, pear-shaped face framed by a light-blue head scarf, Kahaman pointed to a six-inch object lying in the chunks of cement, mangled metal, and rebar. “This is one of the missiles which destroyed the place.”

The Israeli military demolished 20 schools in Gaza during the war, including 11 kindergartens, and 450 other educational facilities were damaged. Among them were three United Nations schools turned shelters; 44 displaced Palestinians were killed in the attacks. A United Nations inquiry found that three empty UN schools had been used by Palestinian militants to store and fire weapons—but not the ones sheltering the displaced families.

Kahaman’s young charges, ages 3 to 5, huddled together on a plastic mat and stared at me. Nearly every pupil had been directly affected by the war: either a family member had been killed or injured, or they had been forced to flee their home. The children’s colorful Dora the Explorer and Hello Kitty backpacks contrasted sharply with their eyes, which looked dulled, as if covered by a thin veil. The missile lay near their feet.

“Some of the children are aggressive, hitting their classmates, smashing things in the classroom,” Kahaman said. One previously joyful little boy now cries for his parents all day.

The courtyard beyond the preschool’s missing back wall was filled with debris. One boy stepped through the nonexistent wall and picked up a small chunk of concrete. He carried it back, nestled it firmly in the sand, and returned to select another. A classmate leaned outside and grabbed her own jagged concrete block. Within minutes, all the children were silently building towers from the rubble of their demolished nursery school.

“I saw and heard about similar scenes in Kosovo and Ukraine,” said Cherepanov. “The children built structures and then destroyed them, and were [play-acting] funerals. In most cases, it’s a normal way for children who have been exposed to severe trauma to process their experiences.” Though the attention paid to children’s mental and emotional health in war zones has increased, much work remains to be done, Cherepanov said, especially on supporting the existing community infrastructures, “such as families, community organizations, and teachers, who could provide ‘trickle-down’ support to children and other vulnerable community members.”

**************

Yousef Ahmed is a stocky, blond primary-school teacher in the eastern Gaza City neighborhood of Shejaiya. “The most brutal of the three wars was last summer’s. The kids suffered a lot,” Ahmed told me.

I had already seen the appalling aftermath of the four-day Israeli campaign in Shejaiya. Whole areas were devastated; not a building in sight was habitable. F-16 fighter jets had flattened some buildings, multiple stories stacked like pancakes. Tank and mortar fire had blown out the walls of others, leaving their frames intact. A twisted staircase hung from the ceiling of a three-story apartment building, connecting to nothing. Family killed by F16 USA was spray-painted on one shell-pocked wall. Young men loaded donkey carts with rubble, slowly clearing the mounds of war debris.

When Ahmed’s students returned to Shejaiya primary school, two and a half weeks after the cease-fire, “their talk was all about the war, the shelling and destruction that they witnessed: Who got bombarded? How were his legs amputated? How did his family member get killed? How and where they got displaced, the nonstop sound of airplanes.” One of Ahmed’s pupils had been a star first-grader. “When he came to second grade, I noticed a change in his behavior. He was withdrawn, not talking to people. His family told me that he saw his brother get killed, swimming in his blood.”

Ahmed enumerated the behavioral disorders he now sees in his classroom: “There is withdrawal, nail-biting, fear, night terrors. Bed-wetting—not only nocturnal wetting, but sometimes I notice children wetting their pants while in class. There are also speech problems, stuttering. Their behavior has also become more aggressive, more violent, and those who are not withdrawn are hyperactive.”

The Child Protection Rapid Assessment Report (CPRA), published in October 2014 by the Child Protection Working Group in Gaza, supports Ahmed’s observations. Without exception, everyone surveyed for the CPRA noticed significant changes in behavior. Boys were more likely to demonstrate aggression, while girls were more likely to exhibit general sadness, crying, nightmares, and bed-wetting.

Ahmed also observed an impact on his students’ ability to learn. “They have weakness in memory, scattered attention, and decreased concentration. They absorb less material. They lack a desire to learn.” They also lack proper conditions to study. “I can’t tell a student to do his homework when I know that the electricity is out,” Ahmed said, “or the student can’t buy notebooks and pencils, because his father doesn’t work.” According to the World Bank, Gaza’s unemployment rate—43 percent overall and more than 60 percent for youth—is one of the highest in the world.

Teachers, of course, have lived through the same trauma as their students. The blockade and related economic crisis, as well as the chronic power outages, make day-to-day life here grueling still. Salaries have been withheld due to a standoff between Hamas and Fatah, the dominant Palestinian parties, which have been negotiating a unity deal. The lack of fuel makes transportation to and from school extremely difficult. “Teachers are also human,” Ahmed observed. “Their mental states deteriorated; their thinking has become scattered, and they can’t focus. Teachers’ behavior with students and with colleagues also became violent and aggressive.”

Ahmed’s school, though still functioning, was among those shelled. The school next door to his was demolished completely. “The kids there were distributed to other schools,” he said.

The CPRA found that traveling far from home to attend school is a significant post-hostility stressor for children. According to Dr. Yasser Abu Jamei, executive director of the Gaza Community Mental Health Program, so is living among the constant reminders of war. “When children live in partially destroyed houses, or in tents or caravans near the debris of the war, when they attend schools in which classrooms are destroyed, or sit next to empty seats because classmates were injured or killed…this delays the natural healing process and prolongs the trauma.”

Mental-health workers are trying to fix this. According to the Child Protection Working Group, nearly 50,000 children and more than 20,000 adults in Gaza have been offered support. The United Nations Relief and Works Agency’s Community Mental Health Program has trained 8,000 teachers how to cope with their own—and their students’—traumatic experiences. The work with community structures is crucial, Cherepanov said, since “the child’s success in recovery is largely [dependent on] family support. But when the family is traumatized and overwhelmed, this support may be compromised.”

****************

Leila Al-Hilu showed me a cellphone video of her twin 6-month- old grandsons, Karam and Kareem. Dressed in matching green outfits and propped in an overstuffed armchair, the babies babbled to each other, grabbing hold of each other’s fingers. Aside from the crop of curls atop Karam’s head, they looked identical. “The video was taken one day before they were killed,” Leila told me.

Leila sifted through a stack of photographs of her deceased loved ones, muttering “God’s mercy on them” as her husband, Talal, recounted what had occurred at approximately 3 am on July 21, 2014, in Shejaiya. Seven Israeli soldiers had been killed, and a night of intense shelling had followed, in revenge, many in Shejaiya believe. Leila was preparing the predawn Ramadan meal when Talal’s brother Jihad, who lived just across the road, phoned to check on the family. Minutes later, F-16 fighter jets shot two missiles into Jihad’s house.

Talal, a trim man with glasses and a neatly groomed mustache, led me to the pile of rubble under which 11 members of his family had been crushed. His 11-year-old daughter Hadeel and 13-year-old son Ahmed scampered behind him as Talal quietly recited the names of the dead: “My brother Jihad and his wife Siham; their children Mohammad, Ahmed, Tahrir, Asmaa, and 15-year-old Najiya; and my daughter Hidaya”—married to Jihad’s son Ahmed—“and their children: 2-year-old Maram and the twins, Kareem and Karam.”

Talal pointed to a cement pillar in the wreckage. “Asmaa was alive, and this pillar was on her chest.” Talal lowered his face, which suddenly looked 10 years older. “She was burned and calling for help.” For two hours, Talal said, they tried to extricate her. Shelling began again over their heads, and they were forced to run for cover, with Asmaa calling after them. A late-afternoon cease-fire finally enabled firefighters to arrive and remove the pillar. “Asmaa was still alive, but she fainted and remained unconscious in the hospital. She died the next day.”

Talal pointed to different areas of the shattered cement and twisted rebar. “From here we pulled Jihad out, and his wife. That was eight days later. For eight days they were under the rubble—no one could reach them. Ahmed, we pulled him out from here. Mohammad was beside his father.” Talal exhaled through pursed lips. “By the time we pulled them out, the bodies were bloated and decaying.” He appeared vacant for a moment, then repeated the detail that seemed to haunt him most. “Eight days under the debris.”

This was not the al-Hilu family’s first tragedy. Talal and Leila’s 14-year-old son Izzeldin was killed by the Israeli army in 2002. Then, in 2011, shrapnel from an Israeli tank shell penetrated the stomach of their then-9-year-old son Ahmed. At his parents’ prompting, Ahmed pulled up his T-shirt and lowered his jeans to show me the entrance and exit wounds. Chunks of flesh were missing from his abdomen, with bulbous scarring on his left hip. But his parents were more worried about Ahmed’s behavior since the summer than about his previous injuries. “Ahmed and Hadeel are afraid at night,” Leila said. “They both wet themselves. They refuse to sleep in their bedrooms; they sleep in ours.”

Ahmed refuses to go outside after dark, Talal told me. He’s easily angered at home, often shouting at his mother or breaking dishes in the kitchen. “We don’t discipline him,” Talal said. “We know very well what he’s feeling.”

When I asked him what does he feel as a father, Talal replied: “What can I do, as a father? There’s nothing I can do.” This is a common emotion among Gaza’s adults. “Parents cannot protect their children,” Dr. Atti said. “And the children understand and feel that. The parents themselves are constantly afraid.” This fear is compounded by a pervasive uncertainty—whether there will be another war, when rebuilding materials will arrive, how many hours of electricity or water will they have, whether their cooking gas will last the month. “The prolonged siege and consecutive assaults deplete people of their natural protective resources, their stress mediators, and their ability to cope with difficulties,” Dr. Abu Jamei explained.

********************

I first met Ahmed Abu Hatab, from the Khan Younis refugee camp in southern Gaza, in 2001, when he was an 11-year-old boy with a love of magic tricks and an irrepressible grin. There was no flicker of that grin when Ahmed met my taxi. He graduated from university with a degree in information technology five years ago, but he cannot find a job. “No work. No electricity. No hope. No future,” Ahmed said.

The Abu Hatabs’ desperation began with the 2007 blockade and intensified acutely after the 2014 war, they told me. Ahmed’s friend tried to escape by boat to Italy, but the boat capsized and his friend drowned. Ahmed’s 30-year-old sister Abeer, a 12th-grade teacher with three daughters, elaborated: “The war not only destroyed homes, hospitals, mosques—it also destroyed all feelings. Where is there hope to live?”

When I asked the family what could bring hope, the answers came piling on: Open the gates. End the siege. Build an airport. Be permitted to visit Al Aqsa in Jerusalem. Have rights like other people.

But Cherepanov pointed to another, unlikely source of hope. “When the future is uncertain, strength can come from past survival experiences,” she said. “Humanity has been plagued by war since the beginning of time, and has developed culturally engraved skills of how they coped in the past and managed to preserve the values of kindness, forgiveness, and compassion. This is how the experience of trauma can become a strength.”

Leila al-Hilu is an example of this. Immediately after the war, she began sewing dresses free of charge for the little girls in the neighborhood. “It helps me compensate for my loss and my lack of emotions after my daughter, granddaughter, and the twins were killed,” Leila said. And as precarious as the future is, the eldest Awajah child is planning for hers. Omsiyat, 17, completed her final high-school exam on June 17 of this year. She plans to enter university in the fall to study journalism.

Still, Abu Jamei had a warning to impart: “When these children, who lived through three assaults, grow up and lead society…how will their experiences, memories, stress, and trauma impact them? Growing up in a hostile environment with no window for the future…what is left for that child? Nothing but despair and anger—which will lead to aggression, which will also backfire on the Israelis. This situation needs to end, for the sake of Palestinian and Israeli children.”

Kifah Kahaman, surrounded by children building towers from rubble, said her dreams for herself and for those children were simple: “To have bread to eat, to receive an education, and to live in dignity.”


Sunday, June 14, 2015

Israel exonerates itself over Gaza beach killings of four children last year


Israel exonerates itself over Gaza beach killings of four children last year

Israeli investigation says missile attack that killed boys aged between nine and 11 was ‘tragic accident’ in findings contradictory to journalists’ reports from scene
The killing of four children on a beach in Gaza was one of the most controversial incidents in last summer’s Gaza war. Link to video

The Israeli military has cleared itself of culpability in one of the most controversial incidents in last summer’s Gaza war: a missile attack that killed four children on Gaza beach and injured a number of others.

Israel’s advocate general’s office said the attack, which led to the death of four boys aged between nine and 11 was a “tragic accident”.

An account of the investigation, posted late on Thursday by military spokesman Lt Col Peter Lerner, said the strike had targeted a “compound” which had been known as belonging to Hamas’s Naval Police and Naval Force (including naval commandos)”.

But journalists who attended the scene in the immediate aftermath of the attack – including a reporter from the Guardian – saw a small and dilapidated fisherman’s hut containing a few tools where the children had been playing hide-and-seek.

Mohammad Ramiz Bakr, 11, Ahed Atef Bakr and Zakariya Ahed Bakr, both 10, and Ismail Mahmoud Bakr, nine, were killed when they were hit by explosive rounds. Three of them died as they sought to flee the beach after the first child was killed.

Three other people were injured in the attack: Hamad Bakr, 13, was hit by shrapnel in his chest; his cousin Motasem, 11, injured in his head and legs, and Mohammad Abu Watfah, 21, who was hit by shrapnel in his stomach.

The conclusion of the Israeli military investigation comes while the Israel is under a preliminary investigation by the International Criminal Court to establish whether war crimes were committed during the Gaza war – both by Israel and Hamas. The finding will inevitably raise questions over the way in which Israel investigates incidents in which civilians were killed.

Israel’s conduct in last summer’s war was thrown under a harsh spotlight last month with the publication of the testimonies of dozens of soldiers who served in Gaza, collected by the Israeli human rights group Breaking the Silence, which included allegations that the Israeli military did not meet its obligations to protect civilians in wartime.

According to the UN, 2,200 Palestinians were killed in the 50-day conflict, of whom 1,492 were civilians, 605 militants and 123 unverified.

Thursday’s statement by the Israel Defence Forces said the conclusion came at the end of an “extensive criminal investigation”.

“During the investigation,” it added, “testimonies were collected from a large number of IDF soldiers and officers who were involved in the planning and execution of the attack.”

The statement continued: “Additionally, an extensive number of documents relating to the attack were reviewed, along with video footage documenting the attack in real time, as well as media images and video footage which documented parts of the incident.

“Efforts were made to collect the testimonies of Gaza strip residents who were, allegedly, witnesses to the incident. In this context, the collection of testimony from three witnesses was coordinated. Regretfully, despite the prior coordination, the witnesses eventually declined to meet the investigators, and instead provided affidavits in regard to the incident.”

Although the attack was witnessed by a Guardian reporter, no attempt was made by the Israeli military investigators to seek a statement. 

The IDF statement continued: “From the factual findings collected by the investigators, it revealed that the incident took place in an area that had long been known as a compound belonging to Hamas’s Naval Police and Naval Force (including naval commandos), and which was utilized exclusively by militants.”

The hut, however, was in plain sight of nearby hotels housing international journalists, none of whom described seeing militants in the area at the time of the attack.

Continuing its statement the Israeli military continued: “The compound in question spans the length of the breakwater of the Gaza City seashore, closed off by a fence and clearly separated from the beach serving the civilian population.

“It further found in the course of the investigation (including from the affidavits provided by Palestinian witnesses), that the compound was known to the residents of the Gaza Strip as a compound which was used exclusively by Hamas’s Naval Police.

“The IDF carried out a number of attacks on the compound in the days prior to the incident. In the course of one such attack, which took place on the day prior to the incident (15 July 2014), a container located inside the compound, which was used to store military supplies, was attacked.”

The Israeli claims appear at odds in several details with what journalists were able to see at the time.

The breakwater is both easily accessible from a side lane and also is located on one of the busiest parts of the public beach in Gaza port and accessible not only to the fishermen who use it, but local Palestinians who come to sunbathe and swim within feet of it.

The container described in the Israeli finding also appeared to contain no military equipment.

Describing the moment of the attack the Iisraeli military continues: “On 16 July, aerial surveillance identified a number of figures entering the compound at a running pace.

“These figures entered a shed adjoining the container which had been attacked the day prior. Against the backdrop of the aforementioned intelligence assessment, these were believed to be militants from Hamas’s Naval Forces, who had arrived at the compound in order to prepare to execute the aforementioned military activity against the IDF. It should be stressed that the figures were not identified at any point during the incident, as children.”

“In light of the above, it was decided to conduct an aerial attack against the figures which had been identified, after all the necessary authorizations for an attack had been obtained, and after a civilian presence in the area had been ruled out.

“When one of the identified figures entered into the remains of the container which had been attacked on the day prior to the incident, one missile was fired from the air towards the container and the adjoining shed. As a result of this attack, it appeared that one of the figures identified was hit. Following this attack, the rest of the figures began to run in the direction of the compound’s exit. Shortly before their exit from the compound, an additional missile was fired from the air towards them, which hit the figures in question after they had exited the compound.”

What is not clear from the Israeli report is why Israeli targeters had failed to identify that children had been playing on the beach prior to the attack.

Palestinian activist released after 6 months in Israeli prison...

Palestinian activist released after 6 months in Israeli prison...











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